In January 2026, the Kurdish people of North and East Syria (Rojava) once again face an existential threat. Following the fall of the Assad regime and the rise to power of Ahmed al-Sharaa (former leader of HTS), Syrian government forces, backed by Arab tribes and external actors, launched a large-scale offensive against Kurdish-held areas. Kobani — the symbol of heroic resistance against ISIS in 2014 — is now under siege: cut off from water, electricity, internet, and communications, with no humanitarian access.
Fayik Yağızay, Representative of the Equality and Democracy Party of Peoples (DEM Party) to European institutions in Strasbourg, in an exclusive interview with VECTORS, explains why the Kurds view these events as betrayal, who bears responsibility for the current catastrophe, and why they will fight to the end — even at the highest cost.
Are we currently witnessing the disappearance of Kurdish autonomy in Syria?
When ISIS attacked Kobani and other Kurdish-populated areas, the Iraqi army effectively handed those territories over to the militants. The Syrian army also withdrew without offering serious resistance. Only the Kurdish people rose to defend their land: they organized resistance, halted the advance, and ultimately defeated ISIS. That is precisely why the international coalition decided to support Kurdish fighters in the fight against the terrorists.
At the same time, ISIS did not attack only Kurdish areas. Its “capital” was Raqqa, and it controlled Deir ez-Zor and other cities populated mainly by Arabs. We set ourselves the goal of completely eliminating ISIS’s territorial control — and we succeeded.
After the victory over ISIS, the question naturally arose of governing the liberated territories. Amid the ongoing civil war in Syria and the chaos gripping the entire country, we established an autonomous administration to organize people’s daily lives. We managed to build a diverse and inclusive system of governance — essentially democratic, in a certain sense feminist, and ecologically oriented.
We have been governing this territory for over ten years now. The civil war in Syria began in 2011, and in 2012 the Kurdish people proclaimed autonomy in Afrin, Kobani, and the Jazira region.
Can you explain what is happening now? What is the current situation? We see various resistance groups in action. As far as one can tell, not only Kurdish and Arab formations but also, in particular, Armenian groups have joined the fighting.
To fully understand the situation, we need to briefly go back in time. We created an administrative system and, in parallel, formed military and security structures to protect the region. This system was inclusive from the start: it included not only Kurds but also Arabs, Assyrians, Armenians, Yazidis, Turkmens, and Christians. The Druze did not live in our region, but they organized their own structures in their territories.
Within this model, each community had its own security forces. There are Armenian, Assyrian, Arab, and Kurdish units, all integrated into the SDF — the Syrian Democratic Forces. Local police structures also operate: where Armenians live, they have their own police units; where Assyrians live, their own. Yet all these forces are united under a single command, a kind of overarching security umbrella. It was precisely this system that, until now, allowed us to defend the region and ultimately defeat ISIS.
We detained around 10,000 fighters and sent their families to camps — a total of about 60,000 people. Last year, largely thanks to international powers’ support for the Syrian regime, some former ISIS commanders who later moved to al-Nusra and then to HTS became influential figures in the eyes of Western countries.
Since they gained international recognition and became influential figures in the eyes of Western powers, part of the Arab forces that had previously been our allies decided to change their position and political orientation. As a result, roughly half of our military units in Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor, and several other predominantly Arab regions switched loyalty.
It must be understood that these units were formed on a territorial and communal basis: the soldiers came from the same regions and ethnic groups. After the strengthening of the Syrian regime’s positions, its legitimization, and de facto recognition by international powers, many of them decided to switch sides because they saw their future there.
That is why, when HTS — the government led by Jolani — advanced to the eastern bank of the Euphrates, these forces almost immediately defected to their side and began fighting against us.
In essence, this amounts to betrayal toward those who had previously protected and saved them?
Yes. We saved them. We saved them from ISIS. And now they are fighting on the side of the same forces that grew from the roots of ISIS and share the same mentality. If you look at their recent actions — beheadings, abductions of women, torture, and other atrocities — it is clear: in their methods, they are no different from ISIS.
At present, part of these Arab tribes has changed loyalty and is fighting against us. Many ask: “They had such a strong army — why was it defeated so quickly?” The answer is simple: more than half of the Syrian Democratic Forces consisted of Arabs, and it was they who betrayed us.
In your view, what is the root of this conflict? Can we say that the United States betrayed you? Perhaps it was their silent approval that allowed what is happening today?
When the Assad regime was in power, Iran had significant influence in Syria, Hezbollah was strong, and Russia dominated. However, these forces did not cooperate with the regime in fighting ISIS — they cooperated with us. As the U.S. Special Representative for Syria and the U.S. Ambassador to Turkey, Tom Barrack, openly admitted: “We used the Kurds, and now they are no longer needed.” He said this openly, without shame, emphasizing that it was part of a geopolitical game against Russia.
Later, after the Assad regime weakened, it became known that when Jolani was brought to Idlib, he was funded, supported, organized, and trained by British, Turkish, and American intelligence services. The preparation lasted about six or seven years. When the Assad regime’s power weakened, it was planned that he would begin active operations.
In just 12 days, he seized power in Syria and declared his intention to cooperate with the United States, Turkey, Israel, and other international players.
Now he has become an important figure for international powers. Recall that Turkey even congratulated him: on the first day, the foreign minister went to Damascus, then he was invited to Ankara, then to Saudi Arabia where he met Trump; later Macron invited him to Paris, and then to the United Nations.
Yet the UN continued to consider him a member of a terrorist organization. Nevertheless, he was received in all these prominent institutions and centers of power. We realized a new game was unfolding — but what could we do?
In the end, Trump invited him to the White House and gave him perfume, saying: “You smell bad, but now I’m giving you perfume.” He used it — and now, apparently, he smells pleasant.
Was the West ever naive about who Jolani really is?
Can it be said that the entire situation was part of a geopolitical game aimed at confronting Russia in the region and pushing it back?
Not only Russia — also Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas. This shows that our people’s interests mean nothing to them. If Jolani’s actions serve their geopolitical goals, it doesn’t matter at all that he was a terrorist in the past and executed people. They knew about his actions then and know about them now.
As I said, they have no honor — it doesn’t matter. The only goal is to push Russia and Iran out of the region.
A press conference on these events took place in the European Parliament, where statements were made about the need for the EU to take measures and exert pressure, in particular on Turkey. Do you think this will really happen?
Honestly, looking at the dominant international powers, we do not expect much from them. Western leadership is Trump, and now Europe has effectively become a puppet of his policy.
They shamelessly went to Damascus while the Damascus government was committing war crimes and offered it aid worth 620 million euros. At the same time, it was committing crimes against humanity in Aleppo, attacking Kurds and Christians.
On the same day, the President of the European Commission and the President of the European Council were in Damascus, ignoring the ongoing crimes. Therefore, we do not expect any action from them.
Do you expect the European Parliament to play any role?
The situation with the European Parliament is somewhat different. We know we have many allies — people who still adhere to their values and act accordingly. That is why we are here.
We also understand that they want to do something. For example, they state that they will appeal to the Commission and the Council to respond to current events. But in practice, their capabilities are limited: they can speak, make statements, and call on peoples and international organizations to act.
I believe there are many people in the European Parliament capable of real action. Do I think they can influence EU leadership to change its position? Yes, if they apply pressure. For example, the Commission President is elected by the Parliament, and it would be uncomfortable for her to remain in office if the European Parliament consistently opposes her policy.
We believe they can make use of their power, although we do not claim that the majority of Parliament members share this view. For now, the struggle continues.
What do you expect — how will this struggle end?
The Kurdish people, together with Armenians, Assyrians, and other communities opposing the tyranny of the Syrian regime, have decided to resist and defend their regions.
Currently, they are holding the defense in Kobani, Til Temir, Qamishli, Hasakah, and other areas. To protect life and honor, they continue to fight despite statements about a ceasefire — unfortunately, there is none on the ground. Intense attacks on Kurdish forces continue. Kobani is under siege: no water, electricity, internet, or communications. Turkey has also concentrated a significant amount of military equipment on the border.
We are extremely concerned about the fate of civilians in Kobani and other Kurdish areas. We call on international powers and organizations to urgently take measures to prevent a catastrophe and stop the tyranny. Not to help one person, but to counter the actions of Turkey, the Syrian regime, and the support it receives from Saudi Arabia and Qatar.
Otherwise, we consider them responsible for this tragedy. Among those responsible are the European Union and the Trump administration. We also place responsibility on Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar for mass killings and the suffering of civilians.
These forces have seized control of gas and oil fields — what does this mean for the region?
Previously, oil and gas were part of the revenues managed by the administrative system. Now control has passed to HTS, and American companies are showing interest in these resources. Syrian oil companies are already operating on site.
Western companies are interested in accessing these resources, but the majority remains under the control of the Syrian regime, which will appropriate them. For these players, this is primarily a question of power. That’s all.
Is there any hope for a peaceful agreement or full integration of the Kurds in Syria, given this history of distrust toward the military forces and the Syrian regime?
Unfortunately, looking back at the past year — and in fact the entire period since this regime came to power — we do not trust it. Analyzing its actions, we see that it does not fulfill its promises. The same applies to the United States.
For example, last year on March 10, an agreement was reached with U.S. mediation. It was signed by Mazloum Abdi, commander of the SDF, and al-Sharaa. Today that agreement has simply been forgotten: not a single promise has been fulfilled or kept.
Now they claim a ceasefire exists. We do not believe them, because there is no ceasefire on the ground. Now they are offering a new version.
Even if we accept it — and it provides extremely, extremely limited rights — they say: “We recognize the existence of the Kurdish people. They can preserve their culture. They can study their language. They can obtain Syrian citizenship, because some Kurds do not have it. They can, for example, run for office and so on.”
But Kurdish forces have already stated that they will not accept only this, because it would mean complete capitulation. Yes, we want a certain status within Syria and a democratic system. But instead, without any democracy, they are imposing the signing of these agreements.
And even if we agree to this, we are certain: they will not stop there and will attempt to completely destroy our existence. Perhaps not everywhere physically — although in some places physically too — but overall they will begin a policy of denial and suppression, deprivation of rights, including women’s rights.
Can you imagine Kurdish women who fought against ISIS ending up under the rule of a jihadist group? I cannot imagine it. They will fight to the end.
Now we are defending our lands and will continue to fight. It may be difficult to win, but at least if we die, we will die with honor.